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Finland/ Maysoon, 61, är hem- och skyddslös - medborgarinitiativ kräver laglig status
Irakiska Maysoon Adnan har fått sex negativa beslut, men menar att hennes asylskäl aldrig utretts ordentligt. Hon är en av de tusentals som anlände under perioden 2015-16, fick avslag, men valde att stanna kvar som papperslös.
Medborgarinitiativet Tillstånd att leva överlämnades på tisdagen till riksdagen, som nu ska ta ställning till förslaget om att ge permanent uppehållstillstånd till de asylsökande som anlände innan 1 januari 2017 och nu lever som papperslösa, eller med oklara tillstånd.
Många av dem har hunnit integrera sig, lära sig språket, börjat arbeta, fått barn, hittat en partner - tills en lång spiral av negativa asylbeslut satt stopp för i princip hela livet.
- Vi talar om en tyst humanitär katastrof, där människors asylskäl inte utretts och där processer har pågått i sju år, säger Markus Himanen från nätverket Fri rörlighet, och en av aktivisterna bakom initiativet.
Gäller tusentals människor
Bakgrunden bakom initiativet finns i det kraftigt ökade antalet asylsökande 2015-16, en lång rad lagändringar och ett restriktivare politiskt klimat som ledde till att tusentals människors asylskäl enligt både forskare, människorättsorganisationer och mediegranskningar inte utreddes ordentligt under den här perioden. Många har stått fast vid att de inte kan återvända hem och många kommer från länder dit Finland inte för tillfället kan deportera folk.
Inrikesministeriet bedömer att det handlar om cirka 3 000 människor och föreslog i en egen utredning nyligen att de som anlänt 2015 och 2016, och nu lever som papperslösa eller med oklara tillstånd, ska få uppehållstillstånd. Åtgärden skulle inte omfatta andra asylsökande och inte heller gälla sådana personer som är dömda för brott.
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Nederländerna/ Moral exclusion, dehumanisation, and continued resistance to return
Experiences of refused afghan asylum seekers in the Netherlands
Katie Kuschminder & Talitha Dubow
ABSTRACT
This paper examines how policies that deny the basic provision of shelter, food, and clothing to refused asylum seekers impact these individuals' lived experiences and their decision-making regarding return migration. A key policy argument for the removal of government assistance in the Netherlands is that refused asylum seekers will be more likely to accept and enter return procedures when they are not given these provisions. This paper contests this claim. Through 40 interviews with refused Afghan asylum seekers in the Netherlands, this paper first explores the embodied effects of state practices of dehumanisation for refused asylum seekers. Second, the paper demonstrates that, despite experiencing dehumanised conditions in the Netherlands, return to Afghanistan is strongly resisted by refused asylum seekers who consider return an impossible and unacceptable outcome. The analysis centres refused asylum seekers as a key actor within the geopolitics of return governance and highlights their resistance to state coercion. The results conclude that the human rights of refused asylum seekers should be protected and that the provision of basic welfare should be considered a separate issue from that of enforcing returns.
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Internationellt/ Covid-19 certificates and undocumented: for some, the risk is exclusion
Jamie Slater, former Advocacy Trainee, and Alyna Smith, Deputy Director.*
Since the EU Digital COVID Certificate Regulation went into effect on 1 July 2021, several Member States have used vaccine certificates to determine access to services and civic spaces. While many see this as a way to boost uptake of the vaccine among those hesitating, this is not true for everyone. For those already facing barriers to the vaccine, like undocumented migrants, requiring vaccination certificates to access public services and civic spaces compounds pre-existing exclusion. It also raises concerns about the increased policing of these spaces to the detriment of fundamental rights, particularly for groups already facing criminalisation.
In many European countries, registering for the vaccines is itself a challenge for undocumented people who cannot produce a social security number, national identity document or, in some cases, proof of a home address - common requirements to get the Covid-19 vaccine. Even if undocumented migrants can register, countries often have no specific policy safeguarding their personal data from being transmitted to immigration authorities. These barriers occur against a backdrop of extremely limited access to health care in Europe for undocumented people, and the pervasive risk of exposure to deportation, including by accessing services.
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Se även sammanställningen från PICUM:
COVID-19 and undocumented migrants: what is happening in Europe? (Extern länk)
USA/ En papperslös från Latinamerika
Skuggsamhället brukar det kallas. Men dess invånare är av kött och blod som alla andra. Lisa Carlbom berättar om en relation mellan dessa två världar.
Hon kommer från ett av de fattiga länderna i Latinamerika. Hon är 35 år gammal och jag 22. Jag bor inneboende hos en familj med tre barn utanför Washington, D.C. och läser på college. Föräldrarna har många anställda i hushållet, de båda har höga chefsposter på sina olika jobb och spenderar så lite tid med barnen som möjligt.
Hon kommer dit en lördagmorgon, efter att föräldrarna har annonserat efter ännu en barnflicka. Snart jobbar hon alla kvällar och helger, och ibland även på vardagarna. Vi blir ganska snart ett tight team. Vi tar barnen till parker och på utflykter, vi badar och nattar barnen tillsammans. Vi jublar tillsammans när minsta barnet tar sina första steg i familjens vardagsrum. Tvååringen börjar att kalla mig för pappa och vill att jag ska natta honom när han ska sova. Föräldrarna är inte hemma särskilt ofta.
Hon berättar för mig om sitt liv; hon gifte sig när hon var femton, fick sitt första barn när hon var sjutton, och var tvåbarnsmor vid nitton. "Vi var fattiga hela tiden", säger hon. Hon jobbade och jobbade och jobbade tills hon fick ihop pengar till att smugglas in i USA. Hon har varit här i nästan femton år. Hon har städat och arbetat som barnflicka. Skickat hem alla sina pengar så att hennes man kan läsa på universitetet. Åkt tillbaka en gång om året, "det var ganska lätt när jag var papperslös", sa hon. "Jag skickade tillbaka passet och sedan tog min man det till någon som jobbade på flygplatsen och mutade honom för att han skulle stämpla i passet".
Men nu har hon ett green card. "Hur gjorde du för att få det?" frågade jag.
Hon ryckte på axlarna: "det var någon jag jobbade för som hjälpte mig."
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Fabio Papetti
As entering the European union in Croatia has become more difficult and dangerous, migrants who have arrived in Bosnia find themselves stranded. Having exhausted their resources and with the Bosnian government preventing NGOs from assisting them, they survive on odd jobs or sink into apathy and drugs.
It is night in Sarajevo. Tall grey buildings surround the square of the main bus station and the lights of the "Zmaj" cevapcici (grilled minced meat) and coffee shop are fading in the dark. A small group of volunteers from international organisations quietly arrives and waits for the last run from Tuzla. It is cold and the movements seem to be slower and heavier. A group of fifteen people plus three children between five and ten get off the last bus. They started their journeys in Afghanistan, Pakistan, Egypt and they are now looking for a place to stay for the night.
The volunteers quietly approach the newcomers and try together to work out a way to find safe accommodation. "IOM [International Organisation for Migration] usually does not provide assistance to single men on the way, they just take families, but not many", says Salma, a volunteer from Spain working for Basis BIH. Volunteers start to call the other support group in the city, and after some discussion they split up, each one accompanied by two or three people. Breaking the quiet of the cold night, imams start chanting the call to prayer from the minarets standing tall against the sky.
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Norge/ 'Victims not wrongdoers': the legal consciousness of rejected asylum seekers
Hanna Buer Haddeland
Drawing on in-depth interviews, observation, and legal sources, this article examines how rejected asylum seekers experience their status and the legal regulations related to it, and how they react as a result. Their legal consciousness must be understood in the light of their illegal status, which makes them keenly aware that legal regulations and power structures decisively affect their everyday lives. They are 'outside the law' yet struggling to become insiders. While they all use legal services in their individual struggles, their engagement in collective counter-hegemonic struggles is greatly affected by social relations, networks, and culture. Honneth's theory of recognition is used to expand the narrative of 'dissenting collectivism' within legal consciousness scholarship and capture the collective resistance of the marginalized. Unlike studies portraying these migrants as fearful of any involvement with the authorities, this article demonstrates that individual experiences of injustice and violated expectations of recognition can lead to collective resistance and mobilization.
"I cannot leave, and I cannot stay; it's kind of a limbo situation. I cannot go back, even if I wanted to, because I don't have a country that will take me, because I am not a citizen. Nor can I stay, because the [Norwegian] government says I must leave, so everything is so messed up I cannot even think."
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Spanien/ Foreign minors in streets: From "Dangerous Children" to Children in Danger
Guest post by Elisa García-España and Jacqueline Carvalho
The juvenile delinquency prevention program for foreign unaccompanied minors in street situations in Ceuta (PREMECE) is a pilot program, which included both research and social interventions carried out between April 2018 and July 2019. PREMECE is the result of an agreement between the city of Ceuta and the University of Malaga (Spain) that aimed to prevent the delinquency of minors who had escaped the established child protection system and wandered around the port zone of the city. These minors were at risk of delinquent behaviour, consuming drugs and engaging in fights.
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Turkiet/ Afghanernas kamp i Istanbul
Turkiet försöker att stänga gränsen till Iran för att stoppa de många afghaner som illegalt försöker ta sig i landet.
Samtidigt befinner sig nästan en kvarts miljon afghaner i landet. En del av dem har tagit sig in illegalt i försök att ta sig vidare till Europa. Många lever i grupper i fallfärdiga hus och försörjer sig på att samla kartonger och plast.
Vår korrespondent Johan-Mathias Sommarström besökte ett av Istanbuls äldsta kvarter där nu flera papperslösa afghaner bor i väntan på ett bättre liv..
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Bosnien/ Afghans stuck on the Bosnian border - their predicament is horrifying
As the Taliban closed in on Afghanistan, the European Union co-signed a joint statement with dozens of nations agreeing that "the Afghan people deserve to live in safety, security and dignity" and that the international community was "ready to assist them".
As someone who has been researching the refugee crisis on Europe's borders for years, I found the statement surprising. Before it was making bold statements about events in Kabul, the EU had spent years failing to help thousands of Afghans seeking help at its borders.
Since 2015, more than 570,000 Afghan citizens have sought protection in the EU. Thousands of them remain stuck in Bosnia and Herzegovina, after having been pushed back by the Croatian police catching them on the EU border.
Bosnia and Herzegovina is not a member of the EU, nor of the Schengen area, so only a small number of migrants apply for asylum there. A large majority try to move forward - to pass through in order to reach EU countries where they have a better chance of obtaining asylum.
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Europa/ COVID-19: The long road to vaccination for undocumented migrants
Vaccinating migrants is, in the opinion of most authorities in Europe, an imperative. However, in many countries, the rhetoric clashes with the reality of undocumented migrants' lives on the ground. They find they sometimes have to run an obstacle course to get vaccinated.
There is a consensus throughout Europe: The COVID-19 vaccination must be made available to as many people as possible. This includes undocumented migrants, one of the groups most exposed to the virus. According to a report published by the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) in February, 32% of COVID-19 cases detected in Sweden between March and May 2020 involved migrants, who represent only 19% of the population. Vaccinating exiles is therefore essential, both for their own health and to contain the pandemic and prevent the virus from mutating.
According to the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), by the beginning of April, 153 states had adopted COVID-19 vaccination strategies that included refugees. This is "extremely encouraging", the authors of the Red Cross report wrote, although they cautioned that "it is important that vaccination plans be extended to other groups of migrants, including undocumented migrants and people in illegal situations. To be truly effective, a vaccination campaign must extend to everyone."
Administrative hiccups that create 'inequalities'
And that's where the problem lies. In Italy, where authorities plan to launch a "mass vaccination" effort at the end of the month by injecting one million doses per day, nearly 700,000 undocumented immigrants or foreigners applying for legal status will be excluded from the vaccination campaigns, according to figures compiled by the Catholic organization Caritas of Rome. These people are "invisible" to the administration, whose databases do not include foreigners living temporarily on their soil.
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Källor: Informationen på denna sida är hämtad från följande källor (externa länkar): EU (kommissionen, ministerrådet, parlamentet och domstolen), Europarådet (mr-kommissionären, domstolen, kommittén mot tortyr), FN:s flyktingkommissariat UNHCR, FN:s kommitté mot tortyr m.fl. FN-organ, Sveriges Radio, SvT, andra svenska media via Nyhetsfilter och pressmeddelanden via Newsdesk, utländska media till exempel via Are You Syrious och Rights in Exile, internationella organisationer som Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch, ECRE, Statewatch och Picum, organisationer i Sverige som Rädda Barnen, Asylrättscentrum, Svenska Amnesty, FARR och #vistårinteut samt myndigheter och politiska organ som Migrationsverket, Sveriges domstolar, JO, Justitiedepartementet m.fl. departement och Sveriges Riksdag.
Bevakning: Hjalte Lagercrantz och Sanna Vestin. Sammanställning: Sanna Vestin. Asylnytt är ett ideellt projekt. Sponsring avser prenumerationsavgifter. Tips emottages tacksamt.